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Politics As Seen in the Field
- By C. D. Bhatta
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) A German Political
Foundation with the help of German Foreign Ministry is organizing
series of training seminars in different parts of the country
on democracy, civic and voter's rights. FES has conducted
such trainings in Pokhara, Palpa, Butwal, Gorkha, Hetauda,
Chitwan, Dadeldhura, Kanchanpur, Surkeht and Nepalgunj with
real stakeholders of society on board.
What has become crystal clear from the field is that the
pace of society is moving fast and our political leaders
are retreating. People at the grass root level are politically
more conscious than Kathmanduities would expect. For example
in Dadeldhura and Kanchanpur the trainees were more concerned
about political philosophy, class struggle, crisis in capitalism
and socialism, crisis in imperialism (American) and Communism,
the rise of global imperialism (of multilateral organizations),
the nature of civil society, globalisation and ways to defend
nation-states, particularly small states like Nepal from
the negative phenomenon of globalisation.
These questions, perhaps, are much relevant to balance global
order, however, participants argued that since Nepali internal
politics is influenced by the factors that promote global
imbalances and being part of the global order (social/political/economic)
we can only straighten internal problems when we collectively
work at the national level. Similarly citizens at the local
level are concerned about eroding capacity of the state,
particularly its inability to maintain internal sovereignty
due to challenges posed by the rising numbers of non-state-actors.
Moreover citizens at the grass root level have also demanded
clear definition of various political terminologies such
as loktantra, samabesi loktantra, and state restructuring
which are haphazardly being thrown out by intellectuals
as well as professional politicians in the market. Such
an attempt has merely created confusion on the very content
of democracy which might invite further conflict in society.
Likewise there was a great deal of concern as what type
of policies (economic, education) should Nepal need to craft
so as to reduce rising unemployment in the country which
is contributing towards mass alienation of youths from the
institutional life of the state and degenerating confidence
building measures in society. Locales also enquired ways
to reduce conflicts which are now more society centric than
state centric. Overall, they demanded democratic political
culture in the country primarily at the paraphernalia of
ruling class who still do not command public trust. They
feared unless civic political culture is not introduced
across political parties and their leaders we can not expect
much from the recent political achievement.
Another important question that was raised was on genuine
need to strike a balance between 'rights and duties, freedom
and order' in society. Perhaps, Nepali state needs ample
cooperation from all strata of society and political actors
should come up with 'common consensus' on basic political
needs of the state and integrate all conflicting actors
(including potential and left-out) in the political process.
That said the great deal of responsibility falls on political
actors who aspire for the change. In Nepali context its
the responsibility of eight political parties to integrate
other political as well as societal actors (left out and
potential) into the decision making process so that other
dissident groups do not evolve.
The latest political changes have granted many rights to
Nepali citizens, which were otherwise denied, but subsequent
inability of the state to guarantee these rights is pushing
new found political opportunity on the verge of collapse.
This is primarily because many non-state-actors have emerged
and they are demanding too much from the state. But it is
not possible for a country like Nepal. Neither can we opt
for 'revolutionary step' when we have limited resources
at our disposal, said Dev Raj Dahal a noted political
scientist as this will further weaken Nepali state.
What is also clear from the field is that the real stakeholders
of the society are more concerned about managing internal
security (by addressing the genuine demands of various groups),
adoption of efficient foreign policy by Nepali state, speed
up democratisation process (by holding CA election in time),
instill civic political culture in society, craft efficient
policies in every sectors of governance and generate opportunities
for youths so that they become more loyal to the state.
However, it seems that we are still not working in this
direction. The eight political parties have their different
approaches on foreign policy and other issues of national
importance. This mismatch between political parties, their
leaders and real stakeholder of the society is pushing Nepal
towards political uncertainty.
What is also evident from the field is that there is great
deal of nationalistic democratic sentiment running across
in society. Nepalis have great faith on democracy but we
cannot bear to have further cycles of political movements
in the country. Hence political parties should manipulate
historic opportunity for the interest of Nepali people and
Nepali state. To reduce class and societal struggle or conflict
perhaps we need to introduce social justice (through
social democracy) in a real sense which will certainly minimise
the level of class conflict. Equally important is to access
the individual class character of political leaders across
political parties including leftists who champion for this
cause. The need of the hour is to substitute 'class struggle
with class coordination'.
Finally, the greatest challenge for Nepali state is to develop
people centric policies to garner public loyalty towards
state and legitimate political actors rather than towards
non-state actors. If the public loyalty diverts towards
non-state-actors, nation-state automatically loses their
internal sovereignty. Perhaps it is right time for Nepali
leadership to think in this direction. All said, our society
and citizens should also be able to guide leadership in
a way that they talk more about policies (rather than scanty
speeches) and are accountable to citizens at large (rather
than political parties).
Note: This article was published in The
Rising Nepal (13 August 2007)
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